Op-Ed Columns Opinion

Netanyahu in Washington-in 1944 and 2011

Dr. Rafael Medoff

The enthusiastic response Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu received when he addressed the United States Congress last week came from both sides of the aisle.  Democrats and Republicans both took part in the numerous standing ovations.  Afterwards, Democrats and Republicans both made statements criticizing President Obama’s positions and supporting Israel’s.
But perhaps it is not so surprising that Prime Minister Netanyahu was able to attract such bipartisan support–because his father accomplished something very similar 67 years ago.
In the summer of 1944, 34 year-old Benzion Netanyahu was executive director of the American wing of Ze’ev Jabotinsky’s Revisionist Zionist movement.  One of Benzion’s tasks was to help mobilize support in Washington for free Jewish immigration to Palestine and creation of a Jewish state.  That was no mean feat, at a time when Britain’s White Paper blocked Jewish immigration and statehood, and the Roosevelt administration preferred not to intervene.
The Revisionists often used tactics that the mainstream Zionists considered too aggressive.  For example, Netanyahu and his colleagues repeatedly placed large advertisements in the New York Times and other leading newspapers with headlines such as “The White Paper Must Be Smashed, if Millions of Jews Are to Be Saved!” and “Is America to Be a Party to the Palestine Betrayal?”
These challenges to Allied policy did not sit well with mainstream Jewish leaders such as Rabbi Stephen S. Wise, who was deeply loyal to President Roosevelt and the Democratic Party.  In his private correspondence, Wise called the president “the All Highest” and “the Great Man.”
Much to the Jewish establishment’s chagrin, Netanyahu actively cultivated relationships with Republican members of congress and party leaders.  For Wise, building ties to FDR’s political foes was inconceivable.  For Netanyahu, it was political common sense.  Roosevelt had no incentive to address Jewish concerns if he believed Jewish votes were in his pocket.  Only if there was a threat of Jews voting Republican would FDR see a reason to reconsider his cold policy toward Jewish refugees and Zionism.
In the months leading up to the June 1944 Republican National Convention, Netanyahu and his colleagues undertook what they called “a systematic campaign of enlightenment.”  They met repeatedly with GOP leaders such as former president Herbert Hoover, 1936 presidential nominee Alf Landon, and influential Republican senators and congressmembers such as Rep. Clare Booth Luce (wife of the publisher of Time and Life).  At a Revisionist dinner that spring, Mrs. Luce said the British blockade of Jewish refugee ships bound for Palestine was to blame for the fact that “Jewish blood stains the blue Mediterranean red.”
In their meetings, the Revisionists asked the Republicans to include a pro-Zionist plank in their 1944 platform. Neither party had ever formally endorsed the cause of Jewish statehood, but the GOP leaders were clearly sympathetic. On the eve of the convention, Rep. Luce called Netanyahu to say, only half joking, “I’m going now, to do your work at the convention.”
Meanwhile, an additional lobbying effort was undertaken by Abba Hillel Silver, the activist Cleveland rabbi who in 1943 had been elevated to the cochairmanship of the American Zionist movement alongside Rabbi Wise. Silver, who enjoyed a close relationship with Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, lobbied Taft and other leading Republicans on the platform issue.
The GOP’s final platform not only endorsed Jewish statehood in Palestine, as Silver wanted, but also criticized Roosevelt, as Netanyahu wanted. It declared: “We condemn the failure of the President to insist that the mandatory of Palestine carry out the provisions of the Balfour Declaration and of the mandate while he pretends to support them.”
Furious and embarrassed, Rabbi Wise dashed off a letter to the president, declaring he was “deeply ashamed” of the “utterly unjust” wording of the Republican plank. In the pages of the Revisionist journal Zionews, Netanyahu responded: “It seems that to Dr. Wise and his friends, partisan politics are more important than truth and the interests of their people and their country.”
The Republican Party’s move had an important consequence: it compelled the Democrats to compete for Jewish support and treat the Jewish vote as if it were up for grabs.  The Democratic national convention, in July, for the first time endorsed “unrestricted Jewish immigration and colonization” of Palestine and the establishment of “a free and democratic Jewish commonwealth.”
These events helped ensure that support for Zionism and, later Israel, would become a permanent part of American political culture. Every subsequent Republican and Democratic convention has adopted a similar plank. To do less became politically unthinkable.
The bipartisan support for Israel on Capitol Hill last week thus represented the continuation of a deeply-rooted tradition in the politics of American foreign policy.  The seeds sown by the father in 1944 were reaped by the son nearly seven decades later.

Dr. Rafael Medoff is director of The David S. Wyman Institute for Holocaust Studies, in Washington, D.C. [www.WymanInstitute.org] and historical consultant to Israeli filmmaker Moshe Levinson’s forthcoming documentary on the life and legacy of Prof. Benzion Netanyahu.

SHARE
RELATED POSTS
Israelis and Arabs say one thing in public and another behind closed doors. Politicians and pundits need to understand the difference.
Nine is too many
How many American Jews are there, and does it really matter?

Leave Your Reply